PF, the Divided House
Gabriel C Banda
(*Writer Gabriel C Banda is involved in Social Development work, Writing and theatre arts, and understanding Conflict and Peace Building issues. Has been on the University of Bradford, England, MA Peace Studies Programme). This piece appeared on WordPress.com, on https://gabrielbanda.wordpress.com/.
For author email contact, <firstname.lastname@example.org> .
THE concern of many people has for a long time been that even when President Sata was alive, there were big wrangles and divisions within the Patriotic Front, PF, leadership. For some time, the PF has been a divided house. Yet to stand and achieve a lot, a divided house must heal, mend, and strengthen.
There was concern about how the weaknesses were affecting not only the ruling party but the whole nation. When President Sata was ailing, people were concerned that the problems within the party would affect not only the party but also create problems post-Sata Zambia. For stable transition, we hoped Mr Sata would reach 2016.
The PF had divisions even when in opposition. At one time, a large number of PF MPs had a position, from which they were being expelled, different from that of party president Michael Sata.
But a major problem since our Big Man President Michael Sata, “Ba Kateka,” and his PF came into office in September 2011 has been the continued internal party squabbles and infighting openly affecting the country.
Some squabbles have come out amongst party field cadres. Some have been amongst high ranking party officials and ministers. Some of these fights have been very big. They have affected not only the PF but the country as a whole.
Of course, President Sata cannot be blamed for all the attitude, behaviour, personalities, and even upbringing of the PF members who were in conflict, but he still was expected to be final captain of the boat.
Some of the fights amongst party members and factions have been violent. People wondered how if there was violence within the party, what levels of violence would come about if people of different parties fought.
If fights within PF have been a concern for the party, the bigger concern is how the fights affect the whole country. Yes, what happens within the PF is of concern for many people outside the ruling party because it affects the whole country. It affects present and future stability. There is effect on social cohesion, the economy, and various aspects of life.
The PF fighting and rough squabbles happened not only once or twice but many times. This is of concern. The cadres and officials involved in the fights were so involved in their fights that they did not seem to care about the presence of their president, Mr Michael Sata, who was also the republican president. It would have been enough concern if the fighting was happening within an opposition party. But this was the ruling party.
The concern has been that the infighting continued many times. The concern is also about being a party that is ruling a government. You expect some discipline and respect from ruling parties and their members. But the PF infighting continued right up to the time of Mr Sata’s death, in London, on October 28, 2014.
The tension amongst groups within the party continued after his death was announced. Even during the mourning period, tension and division are coming out. Many people are anxious. Many people are wondering how PF will handle the tensions and fighting amongst its officials and members.
Already, some members of PF and general public are concerned about reports that Mulenga Sata, the late President’s son, may have ambition to be presidential candidate. People wonder how this, and candidatures by others interested in the party presidency, will affect relationships within the party.
Will the fighting within PF increase or decrease? This depends on how PF leaders handle things. This depends on whether, and how, the divisions will be settled. Settling the fighting within PF can be a good way of honoring the president that has died. But how easy is it to amicably settle the divisions and fighting within PF?
The problem is that many of these fights were happening while the party leader was still alive. The fights went on even when the fighting parties knew Mr Michael Sata was there as president. The question now is: will the fighting stop when Mr Sata has died? Michael Chilufya Sata was known to be a very firm man but even then it appears he was ignored by officials and cadres who kept on fighting even when he was present as both party and republican president.
Fighting elements did not respect the presence of the president. The fighting continued because he was ignored. He was a very strong man but he was ignored. This shows the seriousness of the situation for Zambia, especially at the death of Michael Sata.
A question is: if they did not listen to tough Sata when he was alive, will they listen to the next person who will be party president and stop fighting?
There are concerns that continued tension amongst PF members may badly shake the country. Tensions within PF are not a big danger if they stay within the PF party. The problem is when a PF candidate becomes Republican president after elections and the divisions within the party are still there and strong.
Some officials inside PF may be worried that their opponents within the party may take over. They may be more worried than if someone from outside the party becomes president of Zambia.
Right now, the fighting within PF will be subdued because of the mourning time upon us. A normal culture is that during a funeral, people respect the memory of deceased persons and will not fight or do something that can bring tension.
But the truth is that, while in opposition and in government, the internal situation of the PF party has for a long time been weak. PF has been a house divided. Sadly, while there were some helpful things he did, President Sata did not settle the divisions before he died.
These were bound to cause problems within the party and for the whole society.
Because of hostilities amongst the leadership, some members of PF might be more uncomfortable and insecure about opponents within their party becoming Zambia’s president than others outside the party assuming the republican presidency.
Meanwhile, many members of the public are wondering if a PF candidate, from a very divided party, can hold the country together given the fact that there are strong hostilities within the party. People wonder whether, following PF trends, the absence of President Sata, who was strong and tough but was sometimes ignored by those fighting, may lead to further infighting within PF, leading to instability in the whole society.
The PF as currently a divided house greatly affects the whole nation and beyond.
The Guy Scott Act
A lot will be affected by how the Acting President, Dr Guy Scott, acts. He can go into record as someone who was placed to handle the transition and did it very well, to the benefit of PF and the whole society. To do that, he must focus on the interest of the whole nation, and not the interests of the PF or some fighting groups within it.
Already, in an action most people would not do, his removal, on Monday November 3, 2014, of Justice and Defence minister Edgar Lungu from the position of Party Secretary General, a position given Edgar by late President Michael Sata, did not go well with many members of the Patriotic Front and the general public.
The timing of the removal during the mourning period appeared not sensitive and was bound to build tensions within PF and affect people’s attitude towards Guy Scott and his team. Immediately the statement of removal was announced, there was tension in Zambia. Some PF cadres reacted strongly.
Almost immediately, there were open protests in some places. There were disturbances. Some senior officials and ministers also openly reacted and said they would meet Guy Scott the next morning. In the party and the general public, the action of Guy Scott actually raised the profile of the quiet, generally reserved, Edgar Lungu.
The position of Guy Scott was not helped by the public decline, on television, of Davies Mwila, who Guy Scott had appointed to replace Edgar Lungu. In the situation, when the nation needed to get together around the death of the President and was doing that, there are questions about whether Guy Scott’s actions had been sensitive and appropriate.
He had made poor decisions and words before, some he even apologised for, and this time many people thought he went too far. He showed poor reading of the current situation and overestimated his authority and strength. His action appears to have underestimated the forces against him. The result was predictable.
By early the next day, Tuesday November 4, after some cabinet and Central Committee members met him and in their presence, Guy Scott read a statement announcing the reinstatement of Edgar Lungu.
He said there will be a process of selecting a candidate after the burial. We do not know what was discussed or what was said to him by other officials for him to read the recanting statement.
But although it was honourable to have read the statement reinstating Edgar Lungu, it was clear that the questionable decision or decree by Guy Scott affected the image of Guy and those who may have been with him in the PF. The PF has again shown itself as a house divided.
Encounters with Guy Scott
Our Big Man Guy Scott I first learnt about when I was a very young child and a relative of ours worked at the Scott Farm behind Bauleni, in present day “New Kasama,” at Walkover farm. Guy Scott’s father, Dr Alexander Scott, who I understand was respected by many, was involved with African interests before Zambia’s independence. He ran the African Mail newspaper, which eventually turned into Zambia Mail and Zambia Daily Mail.
When I was very young, we, with others in my family, would sometimes, go over from our residence in Libala, past the high Leopards Hill broadcast transmitters, on to Bauleni, gently over some hill, down to the New Kasama area farm, to see our relative.
I remember the Scott family had, amongst other dogs, a big dog named Bentley. The very few times I saw him, when I was a child, with his spectacles glasses, Guy Scott appeared calm, reserved, and even considerate. He spoke deep Nyanja.
Later, they went to another farm in the Chelston area. The farm was located near NRDC, the Baptist church, and the new Salama Housing estate. We still would visit our relative there.
Later, when the transition back to multiparty system in 1990 and 1991 was happening and Guy Scott had aligned with MMD, on a few times, with John, a friend of his, he came over to meet me for some analysis of the then development issues around rural Zambia. We had very detailed discussion and debate with him. He was very inquiring, asking many questions, and pushed for responses to various issues.
He eventually said, at some other time, that his friends were suggesting that I become an MMD member. I refused to do that, saying that besides MMD as a party not being very coherent, mentioning to Guy that, as a social development worker and writer, I had a personal policy of not joining political parties but following and considering various issues at hand, in a nonpartisan way. I was a believer in effective plural multiparty participatory processes and systems but did not believe in the MMD party. I still have not changed my policy about not being fixed to political parties.
Government and Vice
Another difficult situation left by PF for Zambia as Guy Scott is Acting President is that there is no acting Vice President to give some balance. Guy Scott appeared to have all authority. The removal of Edgar Lungu from the Secretary General role had been an expression of that excessive authority, which others in PF and the public have strongly reacted against, leading it to be reversed.
The deep tensions within PF have continued. Many members of the public are still very concerned about the effects of a divided house on the whole society.
November 04th 2014
Yes, I believe that, following the passing of Fifth President Michael Chilufya Sata, the big challenges to social balance linked to political balance may be those related to the problems and disharmony within the ruling PF.
Since the tension over the firing and reinstatement of Edgar Lungu, more rivalry has been expressed by various factions within the Party. Worrying to the public was that some of the rivalry and hostilities were happening even during the funeral of Michael Sata, when burial had not taken place.
There was disagreement over processes for PF to use to arrive at a presidential candidate. Most PF MPs and Members of the Central Committee endorsed a petition asking for adoption of Edgar Lungu as PF candidate for the presidential by-election.
In view of various factors, they wanted the Central Committee to choose the method of getting the candidate. Acting President Guy Scott insisted the Central Committee would not decide but the general conference. As things went on, there were conflicting statements made to the public by sides in the ruling party.
It seems Michael Sata had in his ill health still been concerned about the transition in PF and the nation. On ZNBC television, Information and Broadcasting minister, Dr Joseph Katema, respected as a calm, mature, and reasoning person, narrated events before President Sata left for the trip to London.
In a special interview on state owned ZNBC Television on Tuesday November 11, 2014, Dr Joseph Katema said there were signs that President Michael Sata had trust in Edgar Lungu doing presidential duties. (Check also Zambia Daily Mail, Thursday November 13, 2014, p 1, “Sata was insistent on Lungu, says Katema,” by Henry Sinyangwe).
When leaving Zambia for medical attention, President Sata, said Dr Katema, was insistent that before leaving for health attention in London, the President wanted to hand over the State “instruments of power” particularly to Edgar Lungu. Edgar Lungu was flown back from his official Angola trip to come back to Lusaka and be acting President. Handing over the instruments, Sata then left Zambia for the medical treatment.
Together with the fact that, besides Edgar Lungu being Acting President a few times when Sata was out, President Sata at one time left Edgar Lungu with the position of PF Secretary General, after removing Wynter Kabimba, and two ministerial positions, that of Justice and Defence simultaneously, many PF MPs and members of the Central Committee felt Edgar Lungu should be the PF presidential candidate. There was also feeling that Edgar Lungu was respected by many non-PF members of the public.
This was in a situation where the ninety day period in which state elections must take place put pressure on all political parties. The parties had to find, following their own processes, who should be their candidate, find the resources for campaigns, and be ready to have fully presented their candidates to the general voting public.
For PF, because of existing divisions within the Party, it was feared that, in the circumstances, a choosing of the candidate at the national conference, involving thousands of delegates, could bring out friction that would disadvantage the party.
But there were other PF members who may have preferred other candidates. If not against him, they did not support Edgar Lungu, or genuinely wanted a more consultative and participatory process of getting a candidate for the party. So, the reasons why a member of a party may be for one candidate and not for another may vary from person to person.
By November 19, 2014 and close of receiving of internal nominations, PF had ten candidates filed in for the party presidency. They were, in alphabetical order:
Captain Seleman Phangula Banda
Geoffrey B Mwamba, GBM
Dr Christine Kaseba Sata
Then Acting PF Secretary General Bridget Atanga said former First Lady Dr Christine Kaseba was the last to file in.
We note that of the ten candidates, four were current cabinet ministers, with Edgar Lungu holding two cabinet portfolios left him by President Michael Sata. The other current ministers were Chishimba Kambwili, Bob Sichinga, a big brother of ours, and Wilbur Simuusa.
Of the ten candidates, two, Given Lubinda and GBM, had been cabinet ministers who were made to leave their cabinet posts at times of disputes within the PF.
(I remember first meeting Given Lubinda in 1980, when he had just completed secondary school in Kafue and was put as one of my students in a provincial Theatre for Development group I was guiding. He was very assertive. He later, after his studies at agriculture college and his work in social development, became a friend of ours).
And one of the candidates, Miles Sampa, was a current deputy minister, under my big brother Commerce Minister Bob Sichinga, also a contestant in the 2014 PF presidential.
Mulenga Sata, son of late Michael Sata, was Lusaka Mayor and Lusaka PF Chairperson.
One candidate, Captain Seleman Phangula Banda, had in recent times been Zambia’s High Commissioner to Nigeria.
Dr Christine Kaseba’s filing in brought various comments from the public. Some supported her while others said, although drawing sympathy and respect during the funeral of President Sata, there were many issues to be considered about timing of her entry into the contest and whether she could get the PF nomination and, later, the Republican election victory.
Concern was also expressed about members of one family contesting for the position of PF candidate and possible state presidency. Dr Kaseba was widow of the President while Mulenga Sata was son. Miles Sampa was related as a nephew to Mr Sata. Bob Sichinga’s son is married to a Sata daughter.
Although related to some by marriage, I would not put Bob Sichinga in the same relative category as some others.
People in the public were concerned that there would be a contest involving a Mother, a Son, a Nephew, and an in-law. However, whether the Michael Sata name will help some of the candidates may depend on the attitude of the internal and external voters towards the late President and how he acted towards them and how they considered his presidency.
After long heated dispute over whether the Central Committee should make the selection of the official candidate or it be done by the general conference, the key sides in the PF contest for the presidency eventually settled on deciding choosing the final candidate through a general conference involving thousands of PF members.
The conference was scheduled for Saturday November 29, 2014. Previously, some had wanted to find another process that would catch up on the limited time left, and would also limit the possibilities of fighting, great fallout, and decline of the party.
Suspensions and Counter-suspensions
But even then, there were unpleasant incidents involving Acting President Dr Guy Scott, on one hand, and, on the other hand or hands, other members of the Central Committee, Cabinet, and Parliament. A significant number of MCCs, 27, or way over half of the total number of members, endorsed his suspension for his style and actions.
Guy Scott also announced suspensions of some 16 MCCs, including the PF Chairperson, Mrs Inonge Wina! The others were Benson Chali, Rasford Mwale Chipolo, Fabian Chiposo, and Obvious Chisala. Then there was John Chisanga, Lazarus Bwalya Chungu, Stephen Kampyongo, and Jean Kapata.
And there was James Kapyanga, Joseph Katema, Sylvester Mtonga, Mwenya Musenge, Willie Nsanda, and Malozo Sichone, and Freedom Sikazwe.
Dr Guy Scott decreed that, in response to recent political happenings which were of concern to the general public, “… I have today decided to suspend the 16 according to powers vested in me.” (In Sunday Mail, “Scott bans 16 PF bigwigs,” by Kapala Chisunka and Christine Chisha, November 23, 2014, Page 3, and Sunday Times of Zambia, “16 PF MCCs banned,” by Nakubiana Mumbuna, November 23, 2014, Page 2).
Like in Michael Sata’s PF reign, Guy Scott was able to, by decree, change the situation of officials, workforce, and issues. This throws light on the challenges of the PF systems, processes, and practices since 2001.
Even before Guy Scott’s temporary reign, within PF, such action had happened before. The strong differences between the PF figure head and officials such as MPs are not new. Differences happened even under my big man, President Michael Sata.
Some suspended by Guy Scott this time were ministers, deputy ministers, and MPs. But some other MCCs that had not been suspended by Dr Guy Scott called the suspensions “null and void.”
The statement was signed by Esther Banda, Emmanuel Mpakata,Yamfwa Mukanga, Samuel Mukupa, Alfredah Mwamba, Davies Mwila (Sunday Mail, “Scott bans 16 PF bigwigs,” by Kapala Chisunka and Christine Chisha, November 23, 2014, page 3. Post Newspaper of Lusaka also has listed the names).
On Sunday, November 23, 2014, some MCCs were blocked from entering State House for a Central Committee meeting. Other MCCs then joined the barred MPs in solidarity. Guy Scott called meetings of the other Central Committee members illegal while they said Guy Scott could not chair meetings because he had been suspended and a quorum could not even take place.
There had also been issues of who should receive applications for PF presidency. Acting President Guy Scott had received the ones entered. Later, the opposing MCCs were saying the applications should be handled by the Central Committee.
Also, there were some members of the PF who sought High Court decisions on some aspects of the events in the party.
Ceasefire and Battle Lines
However, on Monday November 24, 2014, Acting President Guy Scott said there was reconciliation. On Tuesday November 25, 2014, most members of the MCCs team that had announced Guy Scott’s suspension said they apologized for suspending Guy Scott. The teams from various sides were now ready to meet at the November 29 2014 general conference.
For the public, these were signs for hope. But while the groups talked about reconciliation, members of the public were wondering whether the actual battle lines had been erased or were still there. How would the contest for PF president work out?
Was what had happened just a ceasefire where the battle lines were still deep and not erased or shifted? A ceasefire is not necessarily the erasing of battle lines. All over the world, we find that when ceasefires are made amongst combatants, sometimes the ceasefire leads to stability but sometimes the ceasefire works to be windows for parties in conflict to re-prepare themselves, rearm, dig-in, and reorganize. Preparations may include strengthening one’s self and weakening opponents.
What may have happened in PF was a ceasefire while long term peace and stability still needed to be achieved. Meanwhile, many members of the public were apprehensive about what would happen, given past and current tensions within PF, at the November 29 2014 conference.
Meanwhile, the final positions of expressions of candidature may change as, if happens as it sometimes does in Zambia, some candidates within parties and across parties may pull out and endorse others. Some may leave their own parties and stand on other platforms.
PF and Post-Elections
There are, of course, some problems which are found in opposition parties. But bigger concern are the PF, who are a ruling party and have great effect on the stability of the society. This was always a fear as even when President Sata was alive, the tensions were there and sometimes even very open.
Some members of the public may be concerned that given the acrimony from participants within the PF, whoever wins the PF candidacy and if gets the state presidency, may not be easily accepted by some factions, within PF, which would have not won the candidature. There may be tensions in the national social barometer.
I think a problem is that PF have big internal divisions that may affect the rule of a person from there. At the close of internal nominations on Wednesday November 19th, 2014, PF had ten candidates, including the Sata widow Dr Christine Kaseba and the Sata son Mulenga Sata! (Of course, we may not be fully aware of the reading of the situation within and outside their party, or their late husband’s and late father’s party).
Refining or Further Weakening?
While there are risks of problems arising at the PF general conference, it is possible that the fears may not fully come to be. It is also possible that from the general conference, some PF might emerge that may be more widely accepted.
The MMD that Levy Mwanawasa led was not the same as the original MMD party under Dr Frederick Chiluba. There was transformation in policies and practices. The MMD of Rupiah Banda moved further away from the MMD existing under Chiluba.
Some of the persons who had been in the original Chiluba MMD administration left Levy and RB to join other groups, such as PF. Thus the “MMD” name became just a vessel that had transformed. When RB was leaving office in 2011, although with the same registered name, MMD was not the same as the 1991 party. When PF came into office in 2011, some of its members were known to have been in the early MMD of the 1990s.
Will the PF 2014 general conference lead to refinement or further weakening? It is possible that the PF will also undergo great transformation from the Michael Sata one. For politicians and rulers, parties may just be vessels that can be used and changed.
But a divided house or party or team cannot for long stand under internal and external pressure. To stand firm, a divided house must be healed. To heal, those involved must be sincere, respect others, and reach out from the soul. To contribute smoothly to society, a divided house must heal and mend its internal and external relations.
Polls and Opposition
At the same time, for a stable transition, the opposition would have to work together and stand together in the polls as each of the major opposition groups do not have many seats in parliament. Without a large number of seats in parliament, a president from the opposition may find them self unstable, and could even be deliberately undermined by the other parties.
Thus the opposition can win the polls, using the current unfair simple majority rule, if they combine and can work out an arrangement over pooling together their seats in parliament and sharing ministerial positions.
If UPND’s HH or MMD’s Nevers Mumba or RB stand alone, one might win the presidential by-election but be weak in parliament. Of course, you may then end up with efforts trying to woo candidates from the new opposition set up. If MMD and UPND work together, they have stronger chances of winning the polls.
Of course, it is possible that my big man President RB, Fourth President, may at this time, having been the immediate past Republican president, be well exposed to the public in comparison to some candidates in opposition and ruling party.
I do not have details of how things went, but I believe that the RB team should have discussed issues with my brother Nevers, in whom I am well pleased, and together come up with some consented way, as, just like my brother HH, riding with RB over a weak PF would lead to Nevers and HH getting into office and having the further national exposure and acceptance they need to prepare for their possible times to contest the presidency. “Win-Win” for those involved is possible.
There could be established some two vice-presidents, one from the ruling party and another from the partnership. Or some firm and fair arrangement they can agree on. The two, HH and Nevers, have time on their side and, if patient, can make it president within the next fifteen to twenty years.
Before Nevers Mumba moved to join the MMD as state Vice President, he had been in some strong positioning amongst national parties. I believe that had he not joined the MMD then, he and his party could have gained strength.
There was a time when Nevers Mumba may have been stronger than Michael Sata. I believe that it is possible that had Nevers Mumba not gone over to MMD, to join as Vice President, it is possible that Never could have been strong and Michael Sata may never have grown big.
An advantage of partnership would be the making of some form of government of national unity, which would, if well worked out, be very helpful for stability during transition and the time we reach 2016 for the next scheduled elections.
However, in November 2014, the issue about MMD fielding Nevers or RB would be affected by results of court actions taken to the High Court and the resulting political actions that would be taken.
More Opposition Candidates
From other political parties, expressions of running for the state presidency made included that of, in alphabetical order, our Brother Hakainde Hichilema of UPND, and UNIP’s Tilyenji Kaunda, “TJ.” my big brother and our senior and prefect at Kamwala Secondary School.
There is also my Big Brother Brigadier General Godfrey Miyanda, who is considered analytical, independent minded, and a supporter of orderly processes and systems, of the Heritage Party, and my Sister Edith Nawakwi of FDD, and Peter Sinkamba of the Green Party of Zambia.
I understand NAREP’s Elias Chipimo Jr will be standing. There is also my big man, Dr Ludwig Sondashi, of FDA, who, apart from being a lawyer who has had some focus on Constitution, is well known for his Sondashi formula being used by some persons in addressing HIV and AIDS.
My Brother Father Frank Bwalya, as usual fearless and forthright, on November 21, 2014, said his Alliance for Better Zambia will not have a candidate but will support a PF candidate if that candidate is Edgar Lungu.
Christian Democratic Party, CDP, head Dan Pule, who is also a religious preacher who helped to bring the TBN television station to Zambia, is expected to stand.
I have not asked my big brother Tenthani Mwanza, of National Democratic Party, NDP, and a keen observer and analyst of long time Africa and international political dynamics, whether he will stand during by-election January 2015. And I do not know if my brother the ULP leader Sakwiba Sikota, another calm, fearless, and thoughtful person, was going to stand.
We will later learn about positions other political parties will take. The parties include Ng’andu Magande’s National Movement for Progress, NMP, and Mike Mulongoti of People’s Party, and ADD’s Charles Milupi. There is Zambians for Empowerment and Development, ZED, with Dr Fred Mutesa. There is also Langtone Sichone and ZADECO. I do not know if Cosmo Mumba and New Revolution Party will take part. There is All Peoples Congress Party’s Msoni.
One prays that the January 20 2015 presidential by-election will lead to stability, whoever gets into office. As the founders of modern Zambia did, we should be building a strong foundation.. A divided house is unstable and does not easily withstand wind and other pressures. Zambia House must be strong and free.
Variation can be very enriching and should be harnessed. It is one thing for people in a party to get as much ideas and contribution from its members as can happen. But difference is not always the same as variation. Differences that are in the region of hostility and antagonism may, depending upon the handling, sap and weaken a party, to the extent of decline or disintegration.
Let people of Zambia choose who should rule.
Zambia is praised as a place of stability. Yet that stability has had to be worked at. Things may be shaken. It is the duty of all politicians, cadres, citizens, residents, and all of us, to ensure that each person acts for harmony, peace, and stability. A divided house or nation becomes weak.
But everyone is capable of retraining themselves to focus on peace building. Many are wondering what will happen with PF. Human actions divide people and work against natural unity and cooperation. But human action can also help improve situations.
We pray that things go well at the PF general conference. We pray that Zambia’s presidential by-election of January 20, 2015 will go well and stable. The actions of politicians and everyone can make life better. Every one can heal and mend if they just allow themselves to, and will themselves to do so.
By Tuesday, November 25th, 2014.
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